Confidentiality within NHS psychological services

Confidentiality within NHS psychological services Free Online Research Papers It is an unfortunate occupational hazard that psychologists must face complex ethical dilemmas to which BPS and NHS guidance remains vague and/or fails to address (Barnett 2007). One area that remains particularly unclear is when, or even if, psychologists should breach confidentiality in the interest of the public good. Despite widespread acknowledgement of the moral uncertainty surrounding this domain, guidelines from regulatory bodies remain overly broad and delegate much of the decision making to the prerogative of the psychologist. With this in mind, these guidelines aim to assist NHS psychologists in making decisions regarding confidentiality by considering both NHS and BPS guidelines alongside current research and literature. Confidentiality is the ethical cornerstone of a psychologist’s duty, yet frequently it can also become an issue of uncertainty. This is reflected in the fact that amongst the complaints made to professional bodies each year, confidentiality breaches are by far the most commonly cited (Tribe Morissey 2005; Warburton 2005). Psychologists working in the NHS are currently accountable to both NHS and BPS ethical directives, which define confidentiality as â€Å"a duty of confidence arising when one person discloses information to another.† They advise that holding such information in confidence is both an ethical and legal obligation and that any breaches must be restricted to â€Å"professional purposes† (BPS 2009; Department of Health 2003). Confidentiality is an important ethical requirement for many reasons and is essential clinically because without it, psychologists struggle to build a trusting therapeutic relationship (Fulford 2001). Furthermore confidentiality is also a legal proviso; namely under the Data Protection Act (1998) and the Human Rights Act (1998). The NHS and the BPS do currently offer guidance on confidentiality and have procedures for sanctioning those contravening it. Within these guidelines both bodies acknowledge situations where it may be legally or ethically necessary to breach confidentiality, including when there is concern about the welfare/safety of a child and when there is an overriding public interest. Further, the BPS also advises that infractions of confidentiality may be necessary when clients themselves are at risk and both bodies advocate disclosure when court orders have been made (BPS 2009; Department of Health 2003). However, much of the literature reviewing these guidelines conce de that they are so broad that they leave too much to the prerogative of the psychologist and that from this ‘ethical dilemmas’ arise (Barnett 2007; Fisher 2008; Taylor Adelman 1998). The ethical dilemmas encountered by psychologists are broad; however one that is commonly cited is whether information should be disclosed in the face of significant public interest e.g. cases involving â€Å"murder, rape, treason, kidnapping or child abuse† (Department of Health 2003). However, due to the broad provisions within both BPS and NHS guidelines, deciding whether to breach confidentiality can be a difficult task. Often, professionals are concerned that they will either be sanctioned for disclosing information or face claims for negligence if they do not (Kaempf McSherry 2006). Therefore, these guidelines aim to advise psychologists in dealing with situations where public interest may outweigh the obligation to maintain confidentiality. Ethical guidelines for the disclosure of confidential information in the public interest: 1. Psychologists should be aware of the limitations to clients and their obligations to public interest. Psychologists should be prepared to do some â€Å"homework† on ethical guidelines, legal obligations and their own ethical position regarding confidentiality (Fisher 2008). The best solutions to a variety of foreseeable ethical dilemmas should also be considered in advance (Knapp et al. 2007). However, it is unrealistic to assume that all situations can be foreseen or prepared for and therefore psychologists should consider resources and peers they can consult with in case of a dilemma (Bennet et al. 1990). 2. Clients should be honestly and accurately informed of the limitations to confidentiality. It is ethical to inform patients of their right to confidentiality and it’s limitations before therapeutic engagement commences (Knapp VandeCreek 2001). However, this can potentially hinder the process of building trust and therefore it is advisable that psychologists develop a strategy to preserve the development of trust, standardise it and ask peers to review it (Taylor Adleman 1998). In situations where a client’s capacity is in question, psychologists should seek guidance before pursuing therapeutic engagement (Roberts 2002). 3. Psychologists should seek to obtain informed consent to disclose information in pre-agreed circumstances. Psychologists should also endeavour to obtain a client’s informed consent to disclose certain information in pre-agreed circumstances (Fisher 2008). These situations may include those that the psychologist has considered in their own preparations as well as any listed in NHS and BPS guidelines e.g. risk of harm to self or a third party. However such a process may hinder trust and therefore it may require careful discussion with some clients in order to reassure them (Taylor Adleman 1998). 4. Legal demands must be yielded to unless they can be legitimately contested. Pre-planning and self awareness may be extremely valuable in situations where psychologists are legally obliged to disclose confidential information (Fisher 2008). However, it is not possible to plan for every eventuality and in situations where the psychologist is ethically opposed to disclosure it is worth bearing in mind that court orders can be contested and there may be a case for â€Å"conscientious objection† (Knapp et al. 2007). Even so, if the final decision of the courts is that information must be disclosed; psychologists must do so as confidentiality is just one aspect of ethical practice and there is an ethical responsibility to protect public interest (Pope Vasquez 2007). 5. Psychologists should seek guidance from appropriate persons, regulatory bodies or organisations before making a disclosure. Whatever the conclusions reached in an ethical dilemma, it is imperative that psychologists consult with appropriate colleagues and/or take the issue to their manager/supervisor. When seeking guidance, psychologists should already have thought about their own position in the matter; the issues they would like to discuss and be prepared to document the consultation. Also, it is advisable to consider consulting with multiple individuals who will approach the dilemma from different perspectives (Corey et al 1998) and seek advice from a professional/colleague with experience in that particular area (Behnke 2007). To conclude, these guidelines set out to offer comprehensive, evidence-based guidance for psychologists facing ethical dilemmas in confidentiality – specifically whether to break confidentiality when there is an element of public interest. Five evidence based guidelines are proposed for such situations; however these guidelines cannot spell out the correct decision for every ethical dilemma and therefore clinical judgement remains an important aspect of ethical decision making. The impact of the limitations to confidentiality on the client-psychologist relationship has also been considered and it is concluded that despite the potential negative impact on trust, disclosure of information in some situations is necessary. However psychologists are advised to discuss the issue in an honest manner that helps to preserve the construction of trust between themselves and their client. It is also acknowledged that these guidelines are limited in that they cannot offer rigid, universal guidelines due to the area’s complexity; however, it would be unrealistic to expect any set of guidelines to be able to provide this. Therefore, these guidelines are successful in offering evidence-based guidance on ethical decision making in regards to confidentiality and pubic interest; however due to the complexity of the topic, they remain limited in certain respects. 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Reading Response 7 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Reading Response 7 - Essay Example ocial networking sites are obvious—students feel more connected and display more confidence when they are active participants on social networking sites. From my point of view, teachers who discourage the use of social networking sites only turn students against them. While social networking sites can be used for purposes other than schoolwork, which takes away from studies, there are many instances where social networking sites can assist students’ performance. Say for example than a student does not understand a concept completely and requires some additional help. If this is so, that particular student could ask for help from their peers and receive almost an instant response. The article does mention the downsides of using Facebook, such as lower grades, less money from part-time jobs, and loneliness. While all these things must be taken into consideration, I believe that the positives outweigh the negatives, and so social networking sites are something that should be encouraged. Lori Aratani’s article â€Å"Teens Can Multitask, But What Are Costs† discusses an issue that is rarely brought up. I can relate to Megan Casady because my life follows a similar trajectory. I am always moving from one task to the next while trying to juggle a few things at a time. But I don’t think that it is all bad because it shows how productive young people can be. Teenagers are at an age where they have the energy to go out and do all sorts of stuff, so why not let them have the freedom to do that if they wish? I admit that I do not really think about the consequences of multitasking; it is just something that we do. I think it comes from the pressure to be more than we currently are. I mean, there are only so many hours in the day, and it seems like a race to get as many things done as possible. If people took the time to slow down and concentrate on the small tasks in life, it may lead a healthier individual. This is something that I should maybe take in to

Changes in the international system and the right to choose Essay

Changes in the international system and the right to choose - Essay Example However there are groups and cultures that do not feel this way and do not adhere to these norms contesting that human rights agendas reflect western civilization. Women's rights are surrounded by much debate when it comes to cultural values and norms. A historical cultural tradition in some African countries has been the practice of female circumcision. When women were asked why they practiced this they said because it had always been done, most claimed because it is this act that makes them a woman and that without the act being performed on them they would not be a complete woman, this meant that they may not be desirable for marriage in later life. If this practice was stopped females would have to redefine themselves within their community and culture. On the one hand the introduction of a liberal rights culture in defense of gender-based violence into these communities would greatly challenge cultural identity and their social framework, however on the other hand just because it has always been done this way does not mean that women want it this way so highlights conflicts within cultures as well as between them. Having a women's rights culture enables women to have some freedom of choice and choose which set of values and norms they wish to accept. So contestation exists within cultures on the grounds of human rights when it comes to women's rights and it exists not only in developing nations. The Christian right in the US are pro-life and lobby vehemently to state and federal government opposing women's rights to choose, yet the protestors live in one of the most liberal nations in the globe. It must also not be forgotten that the US only abolished segregation in 1965 and that from 1876 until abolition the Jim Crow Laws mandated a 'separate but equal' status for black Americans ("Jim Crow laws" 2007). Another example of a contestation is reformist Muslims as whilst they wish to incorporate liberal rights including equality for all individuals through reinterpreting the Quran the holy texts state that men and women are not equal (Zubaida, 2004). The Shari'a, Islamic law, is fundamental to all Muslims but for reformists the problems lie with the historical context within which its religious laws are written. The issue that many Muslims have is that liberal rights cultures are secularized and therefore implicate their cultural identity because of the fundamental need of Islam to live by the Shari'a. Global rights, in this case women's rights, only become powerful at the local level, when groups and individuals from one particular cultural identity wish to change their way of lives. The liberal model of the international system is concerned with the individual who seek to serve their own self interest. Moravcsik argues that in the international system the quest for self interest is competitive therefore there will be some who are more dominant than others (Brown, 2004). Consequently if states are similar in their values and norms the world will have less tension than if divided on ideals. For Moravcsik the international system has the ability to change as state behaviour reflects what individual's

Verbs And Adverbs Essay Example for Free

Verbs And Adverbs Essay An action verb is underlined in each sentence. Write the number of the Circle the adverb that describes the verb. 1. My grandpa snored loudly. 2. Chloe played on the beach yesterday. 3. I will visit my friend tomorrow. 4. George, will you come here? 5. My sheepdog sat lazily in the pool. 6. Neil slowly placed a card on the card house. 7. Neil stopped suddenly and listened. 8. Nathan stamped his feet angrily. 9. I carefully glued the last piece onto the model. 10. Sam accidentally slipped on the ice. 11. Yesterday, they played a game. 12. The truck grumbled loudly. 13. We will go to the concert soon. 14. Jen waited patiently for the computer to load. 15. Kayla finally arrived at the park. 16. My mother nicely reminded me to do my homework. 17. The astronaut easily fixed the problem. 18. I usually hug my mother when I get home. 19. My dog always barks. 20. Peter neatly wrote a shopping list. An action verb is underlined in each sentence. Write the number of the Circle the adverb that describes the verb. 1. My grandpa snored loudly. 2. Chloe played on the beach yesterday. 3. I will visit my friend tomorrow. 4. George, will you come here? 5. My sheepdog sat lazily in the pool. 6. Neil slowly placed a card on the card house. 7. Neil stopped suddenly and listened. 8. Nathan stamped his feet angrily. 9. I carefully glued the last piece onto the model. 10. Sam accidentally slipped on the ice. 11. Yesterday, they played a game. 12. The truck grumbled loudly. 13. We will go to the concert soon. 14. Jen waited patiently for the computer to load. 15. Kayla finally arrived at the park. 16. My mother nicely reminded me to do my homework. 17. The astronaut easily fixed the problem. 18. I usually hug my mother when I get home. 19. My dog always barks. 20. Peter neatly wrote a shopping list.

Post World War Two Immigrants :: history

Post World War Two Immigrants During World War Two Australians finally realised just how vulnerable they were to enemy attacks. The reality of this possibility hit home hard when the Japanese attacked Darwin and when Japanese midget subs penetrated Sydney harbour. We now realised that our island was not an impenetrable fortress. They government also realised that our country was dangerously under-populated. The fact was that we had too much space and only 7 million people living in it which once again made us very vulnerable to attack. The government realised something must be done. In 1947, during a historical speech made by the minister for immigration, Arthur Augustus Calwell announced that Australia was opening its doors to European immigrants, preferably British. Refugees and immigrants from all over Europe rushed to apply for visas. While many different cultures migrated to Australia the two we are going to focus on are the Italians and the British. At the conclusion of the war Italian soldiers and POW’s returned to a destroyed Italy. The only thing worse than the immense destruction was the human suffering. The displaced Italians sought refuge in communal camps while dreaming of escape to countries such as Canada, the USA and Australia. Italy had been looking for an overseas country that would accept its unemployed, homeless Italians and when Australia opened her doors to them Italy’s President encouraged his people to â€Å"learn a foreign language and emigrate†. Meanwhile the Britain was also in ruins and although they had won the war, it had come at a big loss. Luckily though for the British, Australia was very keen for British refugees to make up a large part of Australia’s refugee take-in. In Arthur Augustus Calwell’s initial speech he said, â€Å"It is my hope that for every foreign migrant there will be ten people from the United Kingdom.† So from the start it was obvious that 'White Australia' was the cornerstone of the immigration policy. Australia established schemes to attract immigrants from post war Britain and they created Australian Citizenship in 1948 so that ‘Australians’ were no longer British subjects. Meanwhile, much stronger and stricter restrictions were imposed against the Italians. They were only permitted to immigrate if they already had close family already resident in Australia. The Italians suffered because they were not a priority group. The British had been given assistance and had been allowed to bring their families with them into Australia.

The Western Culture Of Thinness Architecture Essay

Every society has a manner of tormenting its adult females, whether bybinding their pess or by lodging them into baleen corsets.What modern-day American civilization has come up with is designerjeans. † Anorexia nervosa ( AN ) is an eating upset most normally impacting adolescent adult females. The diagnostic standards for anorexia is defined by the Diagnostic and Statistical manual of the American Psychiatric Association 4th erectile dysfunction ( DSM-IV ) as inordinate dieting or exercising taking to extreme weight loss for age, tallness and gender, a refusal to derive weight, perturbation in organic structure form perceptual experience and amenorrhoea. The implicit in cause of AN is believed to be psychopathic, with recent biomedical research stressing a biological position, where a specific cistron, molecule or encephalon part is sought out to lend to the biological footing of AN. Subsequently there is much attempt put into the development and licensing of possible ‘anti-anorexic ‘ pharmaceutical drugs. However, the general deficiency of success of effectual drugs for handling AN points to more than a simple biological cause to AN. It has been suggested ( Bordo ) tha t the abnormal psychologies behind AN are a set of peculiarly symptoms that arise from within a cultural model, viz. the Western civilization. In kernel, AN may be labeled a psychiatric upset that manifested as a consequence of the influence of Western ideals of beauty and organic structure types. Western society ‘s immature adolescent adult females are peculiarly vulnerable to these portraitures of organic structure types and therefore demo the highest incidence of AN. Furthermore, in recent old ages AN has become a transcultural upset, impacting civilizations influenced by Western civilization or presently undergoing Westernization such as the Chinese, Nipponese, Fijians and African Americans, where AN had one time been unheard of. Yet, it has been argued that AN can non be seen purely as a Western culture-bound syndrome as there have been more and more studies of eating upsets bearing diagnostic resemblance to AN afflicting adult females in non-Western civilizations and eve n certain groups of people within Western civilizations. The separating feature of these fluctuations of AN is their cause, which is extremely individualised, changing from personal hurt to traditional and spiritual grounds. Importantly, these fluctuations do non associate to a deformed perceptual experience of the organic structure nor an irrational fright of deriving weight, proposing that the current definition for AN is limited and assumes that AN is a cosmopolitan experience. Therefore, although AN is considered a psychiatric upset, it can non be viewed entirely from a biological or psychological position, but instead from within a transcultural context, one which encompasses the influences of Western civilization on perceptual experiences of the organic structure every bit good as the particular, individualised grounds that arise from within other civilizations.Paragraph 1: The Western Culture of ThinnessAnorexia is considered a Western culture-bound phenomenon as a consequenc e of the current sociopolitical demands placed upon adult females in respects to the ideals of beauty, organic structure forms, and feminism, every bit good as the typical feeding behavior found in most households and the excess of available nutrient. The term culture-bound denotes a limitation of a phenomenon within a peculiar cultural group due to specific societal, political, civilization and psychological factors from within that civilization. It has been shown that most American adult females are preoccupied with their weight. Subsequently, anorexia has been presented as an extreme to the nation-wide preoccupation with weight and organic structure image ( Banks ) . Historically, the construct of the ideal female organic structure was unstable, altering with the political and economic clime, which affected cultural values and therefore attitudes toward female organic structures. During the colonial epoch, the battle to last in a rough environment favoured strong, fertile, able-b odied adult females who were capable of helping with jobs every bit good as bearing many kids to increase household size. Timess changed in the nineteenth century, nevertheless, with the debut of a more comfy life-style, the fraility of adult females and the innovation of the girdle. Womans who appeared vulnerable, thin and frail were considered to hold the ideal lady-like properties that were desirable. This tendency changed in the twentieth century when the waifish expression became popular, where adult females balked at long frocks and subservience to work forces in favor of short hair, bloomerss and an androgynous, thin, waifish expression that represented their freedom. Since so, there has been a cultural tendency towards tenuity, with celebrated theoretical accounts such as Twiggy going family graven images, climaxing in today ‘s nation-wide compulsion with ‘weight-watching, ‘ ‘calorie-counting ‘ and ‘dieting. ‘ It is the mass media po rtraiture of the ideal thin female organic structure as attractive, desirable and healthy that has farther perpetuated the ‘culture of tenuity. ‘ The chief marks of these cultural ‘fads ‘ are adolescent and adolescent adult females, who besides have the highest incidence of anorexia. Recently, the incidence of AN has increased in pre-teen and adolescent misss, as they are frequently the chief mark audience for a assortment of media, which present unrealistic outlooks of their organic structure forms. Dysfunctional kineticss within a household have besides been attributed for this tendency of increasing AN incidence in younger misss. Fashion magazines frequently depict thin adult females to be desirable and healthy, telecasting ads promote the latest technological innovation that helps a adult female lose weight and the Internet offers infinite web sites with tips on ‘eating healthy, ‘ maintaining off the ‘fat, ‘ appetite suppressants a nd ‘0 calorie ‘ dietetic addendums. Particularly noteworthy are the ‘pro-anorexia ‘ web sites that proclaim AN to be a lifestyle pick, offer advice on weight direction, effectual dieting schemes and community support promoting AN. This barrage of societal and cultural outlooks to be thin in order to be attractive has predominated Western civilization since the nineteenth century. The coming of mass media has exacerbated these outlooks, ensuing in the addition of incidence of AN every bit good as other eating upsets, peculiarly in immature misss and adult females. Thus the psychiatric jobs behind anorexia may be described as a set of peculiar symptoms that arise from within a cultural model – the Western civilization of tenuity. Futhermore, there have been an increasing figure of studies of AN in non-Western populations, disputing the impression that AN is a Western culture-bound syndrome. This tendency is attributed to the exposure of non-Western civilizations to Western civilization via mass media ( Nasser, 1994 ) . One survey has shown that Hispanic and African American misss exhibit AN, influenced by their exposure to Western media, proposing that AN is a psychiatric upset that transcends cultural and socioeconomic boundaries. It was originally believed that the mentioned group of people were ‘protected ‘ by modern Western influences, due to their tradition of encompassing larger, racy adult females. Yet, a survey conducted by Becker found that the Fijians ‘ construct of the female organic structure has been to a great extent influenced by the Western civilization of tenuity. There were no studies of eating upsets in the Fijian population until 1995, when an international telecasting st ation was broadcasted for the first clip, picturing Western media. Three old ages subsequently, studies of dissatisifation with organic structure image, attempts to command weight such as dieting and self-induced emesis were seen, proposing that these Fijian adult females were influenced by the Western cultural ideals of the perfect organic structure and possibly could non separate between the world telecasting presented and true world. Despite a tradition of favorably sing racy adult females, a few old ages exposure to Western cultural and perceptual experiences of beauty have significantly impacted the Fijians. Similarly, a survey conducted by Nasser on the prevalence of AN in teenage Egyptian misss in Cairo indicated that despite traditional Egyptian values of larger, fertile adult females, handiness to Western constructs of the ideal organic structure type through mass media has culturally assimilated immature Egyptian adult females. These findings highlight a phenomenon known a s planetary civilization, where the universe is connected via media, leting cultural values to be readily accessible by other civilizations across the Earth. Such a phenomenon points to the significance of handling AN as non merely arising from Western civilizations, but a upset that transcends cultural boundaries. As good, surveies have indicated that assimilation of immigrants into the Western civilization and version to the expected norms and values on organic structure image and constructs of beauty has contributed to the addition in incidence of AN in non-Western groups. In contrast, other surveies have shown that those who live by their ain civilization whilst life in a Western civilization compared to those who have acculturized show an increased incidence of AN. The coincident being of two civilizations consequences in a ‘culture clang, ‘ which has been theorized to lend to greater internal struggle with respects to self-identity and therefore higher sensitivity to anxiety about self-image and addition in incidence of AN. Mumford and Whitehouse have shown that Asiatic misss in the United Kingdom that have non acculturated are less satisified with their organic structure image and later more susceptible to eating upsets, such as AN. These findings interestingly point to the i nfluence of a non-Western civilization non as protective, but exacerbative of eating upsets. Another study by Bryant-Waugh and Lask confirm this theory of civilization clang by describing specific AN instances in more traditional Asiatic kids populating in the UK. They claim that the more traditional the household kineticss are and imposed traditional cultural values, the higher the hazard of sociocultural struggle. It has been argued that the values portrayed by Western civilization, specifically the nexus between slim, thin organic structure forms to attractiveness and wellness, typify socioeconomic patterned advance, societal position, societal credence every bit good as self-denial, release and self-denial to less developed states every bit good as states presently undergoing Westernization. There is a preoccupation with the Western civilization in these states as it is believed that following their values and beliefs will let them to place with socioeconomic patterned advance, higher societal position and societal credence. Streigel-Moore points out that African American groups within the United States have shown increasing incidence of AN, stemming from a desire to take part in the ‘white universe, ‘ despite traditional values of fuller-figured adult females.Paragraph 3: Simpson. Kleinman.The prevalent biomedical definition of anorexia as a psychiatric upset characterized by fa t phobic disorders and deformed position on organic structure image has been argued to itself be a cultural building within the confines of the Western civilization. This suggests a demand to follow a culturally-sensitive definition of AN. Fat-phobia is the specifying symptom in AN, but at that place have been histories of those with an eating upset really similar to AN, except for the obvious deficiency of fat-phobia. Simpson argues that the belief that Western civilization influences the constructs of organic structure image of other cultural groups suggests cultural homogeneousness and that civilization is the exclusive factor in AN. She presents studies of Chinese adult females enduring from AN who do non describe fat-phobia. Rather, they attribute chronic epigastric bloating and a loss of appetency to their disinclination to eat. In another instance, a adult female refuses to eat after being separated from her fellow, mentioning abdominal uncomfortablenesss and a neutrality in nutrient. These psychosomatic symptoms are a consequence of somatization ( Kleinman ) , where the unwellness symptoms of AN manifests from societal jobs, instead than dissatisfaction of organic structure form and a desire to lose weight. Psychosomatic symptoms are normally reported in the Chinese population and contribute to the etiology of AN, although they are non included in the DSM-IV standards for AN. Furthermore, some adult females from conservative spiritual fundamentalist backgrounds have been cited to abstain from nutrient, as a consequence of their beliefs about nutrient, the organic structure, muliebrity and spiritualty. This points to the thought that AN is non a cosmopolitan experience. AN is non merely defined by Western cultural values and explicating it within a culture-bound context establishes a limited position of the upset that does non take into history the personal factors that contribute to AN. Thus, AN must be understood within a holistic model that includes the influence of local biological sciences in Decisions:Definitions of anorexia must embrace single grounds for anorexia and non presume fat phobic disorder. Diagnoses must be more culturally sensitive and take into history the cultural context of anorexia. Local biological sciences act upon how anorexia arises as a psychological disease. Decision:

How Do Mood Rings Work Thermochromic Crystals

The mood ring was invented by Joshua Reynolds. Mood rings enjoyed fad popularity in the 1970s and are still around today. The stone of the ring changes color, supposedly according to the mood or emotional state of the wearer. The stone of a mood ring is really a hollow quartz or glass shell containing thermotropic liquid crystals. Modern mood jewelry is usually made from a flat strip of liquid crystals with a protective coating. The crystals respond to changes in temperature by twisting. The twisting changes their molecular structure, which alters the wavelengths of light that are absorbed or reflected. Wavelengths of light is another way of saying color, so when the temperature of the liquid crystals  changes, so does their color. Do Mood Rings Work? Mood rings cant tell your emotional state with any degree of accuracy, but the crystals are calibrated to have a pleasing blue or green color at the average persons normal resting peripheral temperature of 82 F (28 C). As peripheral body temperature increases, which it does in response to passion and happiness, the crystals twist to reflect blue. When you are excited or stressed, blood flow is directed away from the skin and more toward the internal organs, cooling the fingers, causing the crystals to twist the other direction, to reflect more yellow. In cold weather, or if the ring was damaged, the stone would be dark gray or black and unresponsive. What the Mood Ring Colors Mean The top of the list is the warmest temperature, at violet, moving to the coolest temperature, at black. violet blue - happy, romanticblue - calm, relaxedgreen - average, not much going on with youyellow/amber - tense, excitedbrown/gray - nervous, anxiousblack - cold temperature or damaged ring